Vowels PRICE

Wood (1987: 123–125, 135) notes two typical realizations of PRICE: (a) with raised onsets (e.g. [εɪ] , [æɪ] , [əɪ] , and with low onsets and offset weakening (e.g. [a:], [aɪ]). He maintains that raised-onset variants are associated with Extreme CFE speakers, although also occurring further up the social scale, and are only found in CFE (since Extreme SAfE typically has low back onsets), while the low, glide-weakened variants are a defining variable of Respectable SAfE, and are associated with Respectable CFE also. Detailed research by Finn (in progress) has revealed that in fact, PRICE (along with MOUTH) is subject to a sub-phonemic Canadian Raising rule, whereby non-low onsets occur in pre-fortis environments and low ones elsewhere. Thus, typical realizations are BITE as [bɐit] compared to BIDE and BUY as and [bai] respectively. Other pre-fortis realizations include [Λi] and [əi], while non-pre-fortis realizations include [ɑi] and [ɒi]. Note also that in fact, PRICE offsets are typically markedly peripheral rather than weakened (i.e. strongly fronted and raised); when reduction does occur it is typically in unstressed position, and especially for the high-frequency pronoun I. As in the case of FACE above, Lanham (1982: 343) maintains that ‘high diphthongal glides’ are characteristic of Afrikaans-influenced English generally, and used even by well-educated speakers – as confirmed in Wood’s (1987: 137–138) and my own data. It is particularly noticeable in word-final position. In hiatus (as in the subset FIRE), this offset is typically realized as [j], e.g. [faijɐ']. Realizations are affected by a following /l/, with the offset being reduced (e.g. [a'^ə] , as in  child) or – less commonly – backed (e.g. [aʊ], as in  child).