Consonants T

Mathisen (1999: 110) identifies [t] as the standard realization, with T-glottalling frequent for younger speakers but infrequent for the elderly. Tap  is considered mainly a male variant.

The BCDP data do indicate that many speakers have such a T-to-R rule (tapping of /t/ in intervocalic position), while T-glottalling occurs especially among younger speakers.

As Wells (1982: 261) notes, T-glottalling is widespread in most of the British Isles. Hughes and Trudgill (1996: 62) certify that this is indeed prevalent among younger urban working-class speakers in the UK. It is therefore not surprising to find this feature in the West Midlands. There is written evidence for word-final T-glottalling (or deletion) in Bm <wha’> what, <doan> don’t, <las’night> , <in’arf> isn’ t half, <ackidock> aqueduct.

However, Chinn and Thorne (2001: 23) maintain that there are “relatively few glottal stops [replacing /t/] in Birmingham speech”, whether occurring medially (e.g. daughter, cutlery, butter) or finally (e.g. feet, that).

There is considerable written evidence for the T-to-R rule (noted also by Biddulph 1986: 12), e.g. in Bm <gerra/gerron/a-gerrin’/gerrout/gerraway> get a/get on/getting/get out/get away, <gorra/gurra/gorrin/gorrall> got a/in/all, <irrin/irrup> it in/up <marrer/marra> , matter, <birra> bit of, <purron> put on; BC <gerroff> get off, <bur’e> but he, <bur at> but at, <ger’undred> get hundred.

There is also written evidence for anticipatory realization of /t/ as [k] between /I/ and syllabic /l/, as in Bm/BC <lickle> little or Bm <orsepickle> hospital. Note apparent hypercorrection in BC <pittle> pickle, <tittle> tickle. Furthermore, there is audio and written evidence for yod-coalescence to /tʃ/ before high front segments, e.g. in Bm <ackchullay> actually.